| Note that Arizona was originally intended to share a diary with New York, but the delay in the NY-20 election has forced me to put off a final New York plan (if Tedisco wins, my NY map applies, but if Murphy pulls it out in the final count, I need a do-over).
Alabama
The overriding goals here were clear, and are regardless of which party wins the governor's mansion in 2010. Either a Republican or Democratic Governor will contend with a legislature controlled by conservative Democrats, and so protecting Rep. Bobby Bright of Montgomery will be Priority #1 (a major flaw in my reasoning here: if Bright loses to a Republican in 2010, a very real possibility, the 2nd will be preserved more or less as-is or made more Republican to accommodate the hypothetical freshman GOPer). Anyway, I assumed Bright survives 2010 and is the big winner from redistricting. As a direct result of protecting Bright, another winner is made clear, Republican Mike Rogers of Anniston (his district was carved to elect a Democrat in 2002 and, well, that didn't work out, so for the sake of helping Bright, Rogers will get more favorable turf).
The other districts weren't altered much; Artur Davis' VRA-protected 7th was made a tad less heavily African-American but should still be about 60% so, keeping it clear from controversy, and the other four seats barely change at all in partisan or racial composition.
District 1 - Jo Bonner (R-Mobile) -- heavily Republican Gulf Coast districts stays mostly unchanged.
District 2 - Bobby Bright (D-Montgomery) -- again, this map assumes he survives in 2010. Race tracking closely with partisan behavior in this state, the obvious tack was to boost the 2nd's black population, so I dumped the district's southernmost counties and anchored it in the eastern half of Alabama's Black Belt, with the main population band stretching from Selma almost to the Georgia border, adding an arm up in Talladega.
District 3 - Mike Rogers (R-Anniston) -- Rogers would now represent the only clear gerrymander in the state, and its lines are, I assure you, only as ugly as they are for a good purpose: I had to connect the heavily Republican counties northeast of Talladega with the heavily Republican counties bordering Florida's Panhandle, so that meant creating a skinny north-south band along the Georgia line, in counties that were otherwise reserved for Bright. It's unaesthetic, yes, but it gets the job done, and I wouldn't be surprised to see legislative Democrats and Republicans agree on a plan like this for the mutual benefit of helping both Bright and Rogers.
District 4 - Robert Aderholt (R-Haleyville) -- heavily Republican Appalachia-Tuscaloosa-exurban Birmingham mix.
District 5 - Parker Griffith (D-Huntsville) -- as before, it's socially conservative and mostly white, but with a good bench of local Democrats. Unlike Bright's district, the 5th couldn't be shored up much since there are no African-American areas nearby that aren't necessary to keep the 7th VRA-protected.
District 6 - Spencer Bachus (R-Vestavia Hills) -- meant to soak up every possible Republican between Birmingham and Montgomery.
District 7 - Artur Davis' (D-Birmingham) replacement -- Davis is running for Governor in 2010, but whichever Democrat succeeds him will retain a black-majority district anchored in Birmingham, Tuscaloosa, and the heavily black counties of western Alabama.
Arizona
The nonpartisan redistricting commission typically seeks to draw districts with geographical communities of interest in mind, and does little or nothing to protect incumbents. This means we shouldn't expect a plan that explicitly shores up any of the three marginal Democratic districts (the rural 1st, suburban 5th, or mixed urban-rural 8th). While the 2001 plan created a new Hispanic-majority district for the Democrats and a competitive new rural seat (dubbed the 1st), I found that 2011's map is due for a GOP seat in the suburban/exurban Phoenix area, based in fast-growing Pinal County. Since Arizona will be gaining two seats, the other may be of a less predictable nature, though everyone expects that it, too, will be based in metro Phoenix. My proposed 10th is a mixed Phoenix district with a considerable Hispanic population (one problem: said Hispanic pop. under my plan may be big enough to move the VRA-protected 7th out of majority-Hispanic status, which would be a non-starter).
One thing that made my numbers less-than-perfect was the lack of reliable data on Hopi Reservation population in northern Arizona (Hopi and Navajo areas are kept in separate districts due to traditional tensions between the two tribes). I used rough statistical guesstimates to separate the reservations into the 2nd and 1st, respectively. This, and my lack of certainty regarding the Hispanic percentage in Grijalva's 7th District in this map, are the two potential demographic issues present here (and note that I used 2007 Census estimates, before 2008 numbers were available, making the data already obsolete).
All those caveats aside, I think the general spirit of Arizona's next district map is present here:
District 1 - Ann Kirkpatrick (D-Flagstaff) -- still rural with the highest Native American population in the state. Personally, as someone who is admittedly ignorant about Hopi/Navajo history, I think it unfortunate that the tribes insist on being separated, since moving the Hopi reservation into this district would put its Native population over 25% and possibly close to 30%, a clear VRA opportunity when coupled with the district's Hispanic and other minority populations.
District 2 - Trent Franks (R-Glendale) -- though it appears rural, this district is a lot more Maricopa County-heavy than one might assume.
District 3 - John Shadegg (R-Phoenix) -- Republican neighborhoods of Phoenix and suburban Maricopa County keep Shadegg in the clear, for the near future at least.
District 4 - Ed Pastor (D-Phoenix) -- combines the Latino neighborhoods of Phoenix to remain a strong VRA seat.
District 5 - Harry Mitchell (D-Tempe) -- as before, this comprises traditionally Republican Phoenix suburbs that are trending the other way with time. In Mitchell's current 5th, Obama garnered a respectable 47%, though I haven't a clue how he would have fared in my 5th since my method is so low-tech and crude.
District 6 - Jeff Flake (R-Mesa) -- weary though I am of this guy and his precious privileged resolutions, this 6th would stay safe for him.
District 7 - Raúl Grijalva (D-Tucson) -- if the Hispanic pop. is under 50-55% in this proposed Maricopa-free iteration (and it may indeed be), then it is worth a reconfiguration, this time using 2008 stats. Regardless how accurate my map may or may not be, the commission will ensure a VRA majority-Hispanic seat for Grijalva.
District 8 - Gabrielle Giffords (D-Tucson) -- now very Tucson-dominated and free of Hispanic-majority Santa Cruz County.
The new District 9 - anchored in Pinal County with significant chunks of Maricopa and Pima for a Republican-leaning suburban/exurban seat between Phoenix and Tucson.
The new District 10 - entirely within southwest Maricopa County, possibly Hispanic opportunity (but cannot dilute the Hispanic pop. in District 7, so I question whether the commission would draw something quite like this...I'm a bit more certain of the rough boundaries for a new GOP seat in District 9).
This being a commission-run redistricting process, no incumbents are deliberately protected, and only logic, geography, and racial consideration go into the process. It's a double-edged sword, really, but makes a private citizen's map-making simulation much simpler (no gerrymandering to help Congressman X, that is). Other than my possible trespass in District 7, I'm not aware of any probable controversy with boundaries roughly akin to these.
Kentucky
Like Alabama, the process here is likely to be split between the parties, and Democrats are assured a strong hand by holding both the governor's mansion and the House. Even if redistricting is delayed after the 2011 elections and a Republican is elected Governor, the Democratic House majority seems too large to overcome in a couple cycles, making it likely that Rep. Ben Chandler (D-Versailles) will be protected (and that, of course, assumes he doesn't run for another office in 2010 or 2011). Making Chandler's 6th a tad more Democratic for future insurance was the only clear priority of this map, which otherwise leaves lines mostly unaltered.
District 1 - Ed Whitfield (R-Hopkinsville) -- expands in area due to lagging population growth, but remains strongly Republican and mostly rural or "small town".
District 2 - Brett Guthrie (R-Bowling Green) -- changes only minimally, remains GOP-friendly with several pockets of urban population and (somewhat outnumbered) Democratic votes.
District 3 - John Yarmuth (D-Louisville) -- comprises 99.7% of Jefferson County, and that's it. Talk about simple!
District 4 - Geoff Davis (R-Hebron) -- looks virtually identical to its prior incarnation as an Ohio River-based, heavily GOP district.
District 5 - Hal Rogers (R-Somerset) -- heavily rural and Republican, possibly the most socially conservative seat in Kentucky, but drops some traditionally Dem areas for the 6th's benefit, picking up the slack elsewhere.
District 6 - Ben Chandler (D-Versailles) -- McCain won Chandler's current 6th 55-43 but the incumbent is very popular and is likely unbeatable. Still, he has long held statewide ambitions, and one of these days he will vacate for bigger things, making it a priority for House Democrats and the Governor to shore up the 6th for a future Democratic candidate. Thus, an equestrian-heavy Central Kentucky seat is reconfigured as a Frankfort-Lexington-coal mines district with stronger Dem history. McCain may still have won here, but not with more than 51-53%, making it that much easier for a future Dem to win.
Other states I hope to cover soon include: Colorado, Kansas, Maryland, Mississippi, New Mexico, Oklahoma, and West Virginia. There are some key states (among them, California, Minnesota, North Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia, Washington, and Wisconsin) that could or will require two maps each based on different hypothetical outcomes regarding seat distribution or partisan control. It isn't clear what the seat count will be in California, North Carolina, or Washington, and in the other four states, partisan control of redistricting is utterly up in the air between now and after the 2010 elections. So most likely, these states will be those that I cover last. |
