Texas has always been, in my mind, the most interesting state for redistricting in 2010, partly because it grew much more than any other state (it gained four seats, while no other state gained more than two), and partly because much of that growth was Hispanic. This sets up a major conflict in the redistricting process: the Republicans, who control the trifecta here, will want to draw as many of those four new seats for themselves as possible, obviously, but the Obama administration's Dept. of Justice, via the Voting Rights Act, will compel the creation of as many majority-minority seats as possible. Given the numbers that came out today, Texas Republicans may actually feel lucky getting away with two of the four new seats... assuming that's what they end up with, after the conclusion of the inevitable litigation process that will result.
Texas gained a whopping 4,293,741 people between 2000 and 2010, growing from 20,851,820 to 25,145,561. Of that 4+ million, only about 10% were non-Hispanic whites. The non-Hispanic white population in 2000 was 10,933,313, and in 2010 it's 11,397,345, a difference of 464,032. Contrast that with the growth in Hispanics, who went from 6,669,616 to 9,460,921, a gain of 2,791,305. Expressed as percentages, Texas now has only a plurality, not a majority, of non-Hispanic whites. They make up 45.3% of the population in 2010, along with 11.5% non-Hispanic blacks, 3.8% non-Hispanic Asians, and 37.6% Hispanics. (In 2000, non-Hispanic whites were 52.4%, along with 11.3% black, 2.7% Asian, and 32% Hispanic. Those don't add up to 100 because there are also categories for Native Americans, Pacific Islanders, two or more races, and "some other" race.)
With Texas about to expand to 36 seats, that means the target average for each new congressional district will be 698,488. Here's a chart that looks at each current congressional district, giving old and new populations, the amount gained (or lost), and the "deviation," which is what we're calling how many people each district will need to shed (or in a few cases, gain) in order to hit its 2010 target. (In case you're wondering, yes, the 2000 data is for the post-2004 DeLay-mander configurations of each district.) I'm also including the 2000 and 2008 presidential election results, so you can see which direction the districts are headed (very different, when you contrast the trend in rural east Texas districts with suburbs for the major cities).
District
Rep.
2000 total
2010 total
Total change
Deviation
2000 election
2008 election
TX-01
Gohmert (R)
651,652
723,464
71,812
24,976
33/68
31/69
TX-02
Poe (R)
651,605
782,375
130,770
83,887
37/63
40/60
TX-03
Johnson, S. (R)
651,782
842,449
190,667
143,961
30/70
42/57
TX-04
Hall (R)
651,500
846,142
194,642
147,654
34/66
30/69
TX-05
Hensarling (R)
651,919
725,642
73,723
27,154
34/66
36/63
TX-06
Barton (R)
651,691
809,095
157,404
110,607
34/66
40/60
TX-07
Culberson (R)
651,682
780,611
128,929
82,123
31/69
41/58
TX-08
Brady (R)
651,755
833,770
182,015
135,282
31/69
26/74
TX-09
Green, A. (D)
651,086
733,796
82,710
35,308
69/31
77/23
TX-10
McCaul (R)
651,523
981,367
329,844
282,879
34/67
44/55
TX-11
Conaway (R)
651,590
710,682
59,092
12,194
25/75
24/76
TX-12
Granger (R)
651,770
831,100
179,330
132,612
36/64
36/63
TX-13
Thornberry (R)
651,665
672,781
21,116
(25,707)
26/74
23/77
TX-14
Paul (R)
651,837
779,704
127,867
81,216
36/64
33/66
TX-15
Hinojosa (D)
651,580
787,124
135,544
88,636
54/46
60/40
TX-16
Reyes (D)
652,363
757,427
105,064
58,939
59/41
66/34
TX-17
Flores (R)
651,509
760,042
108,533
61,554
32/68
32/67
TX-18
Jackson-Lee (D)
651,789
720,991
69,202
22,503
72/28
77/22
TX-19
Neugebauer (R)
651,610
698,137
46,527
(351)
25/75
27/72
TX-20
Gonzalez (D)
651,603
711,705
60,102
13,217
58/42
63/36
TX-21
Smith (R)
651,930
856,954
205,024
158,466
31/69
41/58
TX-22
Olson (R)
651,657
910,877
259,220
212,389
33/67
41/58
TX-23
Canseco (R)
651,149
847,651
196,502
149,163
47/54
51/48
TX-24
Marchant (R)
651,137
792,319
141,182
93,831
32/68
44/55
TX-25
Doggett (D)
651,477
814,381
162,904
115,893
47/53
59/40
TX-26
Burgess (R)
651,858
915,137
263,279
216,649
38/62
41/58
TX-27
Farenthold (R)
651,843
741,993
90,150
43,505
50/50
53/46
TX-28
Cuellar (D)
651,259
851,824
200,565
153,336
50/50
56/44
TX-29
Green, G. (D)
651,405
677,032
25,627
(21,456)
57/43
62/38
TX-30
Johnson, E. (D)
652,261
706,469
54,208
7,981
74/26
82/18
TX-31
Carter (R)
651,868
902,101
250,233
203,613
32/69
42/58
TX-32
Sessions (R)
650,555
640,419
(10,136)
(58,069)
36/64
46/53
Now let's turn to the changes in racial composition in each district. The Hispanic population increased in all of Texas's 32 districts, with the smallest increase being 35,816 (in TX-32 in north Dallas, the only district which lost population overall - I'm not quite sure why this district lost population, other than the fact that it's fairly dense, and boxed in by other urban districts, so it's unable to sprawl in any direction). Eight districts gained more than 100,000 Hispanics each, with the biggest gain in the Laredo-based TX-28, gaining 166,375. The second biggest gain was 159,747 in TX-10, the wormlike district that links Houston's western suburbs with Austin's eastern suburbs and which gained a whole lot of everybody of all races. TX-10 is also more remarkable in that the Hispanic share of the total population nearly went up 10%, from 19% to 29% (by contrast, in TX-28, the Hispanic share barely increased, seeing as how they're already the vast majority there).
These two existing districts point to where two of the new VRA districts are likeliest to pop up: the Rio Grande Valley, and the Houston area. (A new Hispanic-majority Houston seat would probably be located in the downtown and western parts of town, pushing TX-07 and then TX-10 further west.) The third possibility is a Dallas area Hispanic-majority seat, which might be anchored in downtown and western Dallas but wander further west to grab areas near DFW airport and maybe even in Fort Worth. The GOP, I'm sure, would prefer to try to limit the number of VRA seats to two, but it may be a difficult balancing act; in particular, it'll be hard to avoid having a new VRA seat pop up in the Rio Grande Valley (thanks to huge growth in TX-15 and TX-23, too) if they're going to try to reconstruct a more Republican-favorable TX-27 in order to protect unexpected new member Blake Farenthold (maybe linking Corpus Christi with Victoria instead of Brownsville, for instance).
District
2000 white
White %
2010 white
White %
% change
2000 Hispanic
Hispanic %
2010 Hispanic
Hispanic %
% change
TX-01
485,238
74.5
514,939
71.2
-3.2
59,688
9.2
109,499
15.1
6.0
TX-02
462,830
71.0
493,830
63.1
-7.9
82,578
12.7
176,196
22.5
9.8
TX-03
467,828
71.8
539,627
64.1
-7.7
111,121
17.0
186,890
22.2
5.1
TX-04
540,477
83.0
666,802
78.8
-4.2
50,410
7.7
110,993
13.1
5.4
TX-05
505,283
77.5
523,328
72.1
-5.4
83,113
12.7
157,037
21.6
8.9
TX-06
477,168
73.2
537,602
66.4
-6.8
103,380
15.9
185,397
22.9
7.0
TX-07
505,703
77.6
529,586
67.8
-9.8
117,392
18.0
198,587
25.4
7.4
TX-08
553,472
84.9
686,659
82.4
-2.6
58,820
9.0
128,027
15.4
6.3
TX-09
213,041
32.7
240,882
32.8
1.1
213,195
32.7
310,931
42.4
9.6
TX-10
490,353
75.3
676,833
69.0
-6.3
122,894
18.9
282,641
28.8
9.9
TX-11
523,788
80.4
577,078
81.2
0.8
192,811
29.6
257,633
36.3
6.7
TX-12
505,402
77.5
635,292
76.4
-1.1
154,032
23.6
239,268
28.8
5.2
TX-13
526,737
80.8
544,719
81.0
0.2
114,488
17.6
157,732
23.4
5.9
TX-14
491,492
75.4
588,513
75.5
0.1
162,778
25.0
226,440
29.0
4.1
TX-15
504,686
77.5
674,927
85.7
8.3
506,447
77.7
649,297
82.5
4.8
TX-16
483,295
74.1
620,074
81.9
7.8
507,249
77.8
617,465
81.5
3.8
TX-17
512,489
78.7
585,982
77.1
-1.6
100,241
15.4
157,049
20.7
5.3
TX-18
240,569
36.9
281,511
39.0
2.1
231,548
35.5
313,533
43.5
8.0
TX-19
502,156
77.1
549,589
78.7
1.7
188,932
29.0
235,973
33.8
4.8
TX-20
425,519
65.3
500,530
70.3
5.0
437,800
67.2
509,208
71.5
4.4
TX-21
531,029
81.5
680,337
79.4
-2.1
138,599
21.3
240,713
28.1
6.8
TX-22
464,216
71.2
557,629
61.2
-10.0
132,379
20.3
244,900
26.9
6.6
TX-23
467,321
71.8
672,404
79.3
7.6
423,648
65.1
562,913
66.4
1.3
TX-24
476,428
73.2
488,398
61.6
-11.5
116,586
17.9
214,851
27.1
9.2
TX-25
439,574
67.5
584,962
71.8
4.3
220,942
33.9
315,776
38.8
4.9
TX-26
474,910
72.9
652,345
71.3
-1.6
93,451
14.3
193,973
21.2
6.9
TX-27
495,162
76.0
623,615
84.0
8.1
443,919
68.1
543,306
73.2
5.1
TX-28
518,245
79.6
748,669
87.9
8.3
505,754
77.7
672,129
78.9
1.2
TX-29
357,764
54.9
398,350
58.8
3.9
430,980
66.2
514,861
76.0
9.9
TX-30
238,931
36.6
256,028
36.2
-0.4
223,200
34.2
280,508
39.7
5.5
TX-31
477,328
73.2
647,694
71.8
-1.4
106,121
16.3
195,753
21.7
5.4
TX-32
439,551
67.6
422,818
66.0
-1.5
235,626
36.2
271,442
42.4
6.2
Unfortunately, for some reason, while American Factfinder has "Hispanic or Latino by Race" available for entire states, the only data it currently has available at the CD level is the less precise "Race and Hispanic or Latino." While that seems like a minor semantic distinction, this means there's no way to parse out non-Hispanic white (and non-Hispanic black, etc.) for CDs. Bear in mind that "Hispanic," for Census purposes, isn't a race unto itself, but a box that gets checked in addition to race. So, while most people who check "Some other race" are Hispanic, not all Hispanics identify as "Some other race;" in fact, more than half of Hispanics identify as "white" (with most of the rest as "some other") instead. This makes a big difference, in making the sample look whiter than it actually is (at least if one defines "white" in the narrow non-Hispanic sense). At the state level, in 2010, Texas appears as 70.4% white, 11.8% black, and 3.8% Asian in this format, in addition to 37.6% Hispanic. (Considering that adds up to 124%, it's very confusing. Here, it's also confusing because it makes districts with an already-large Hispanic majority look like they got even whiter, at the same time as they gained more Hispanics.) So, I'd focus more on the Hispanic column than on the white column in this table, and maybe I'll revisit this when we get data on non-Hispanic whites.
Finally, here are tables for the African-American and Asian populations for each congressional district. While African-American growth is fairly slow (though seemingly faster than growth in non-Hispanic whites), the Asian growth in Texas is just as fast-paced as Hispanic growth (if not faster, in certain suburban districts).