| As we all know, Governor Goodhair is now moving on to take on Bill White in the general election, and last night may have shown a natural ceiling for what the Tea Party can accomplish in Debra Medina.
We also say, maybe, some anti-Washington bias in Texans' sound rejection of Kay Bailey Hutchison.
So how did it all shake out?
Well, here's the map by county:
Throughout this diary, Blue denotes Perry, Green denotes KBH, and Red denotes either Medina or simply "anti-Perry", depending on whether it's a 3-color or 2-color scheme map, respectively.
You'll see that Medina won 4 counties, Carson, Crane, San Saba, and Zavala. None of these counties are particularly vote-rich; in these four combined, Medina received 1,256 votes to Perry's 711 and KBH's 701. KBH won a cluster of counties around San Angelo, but really couldn't tell you why.
More after the flip.
|Here are each candidate's performances:
As we said, KBH did the best in a cluster near San Angelo; she did decently well in the Panhandle. She performed poorly in the Houston area, likely leading to Perry clearing the runoff threshold. Other areas of weakness included East Texas and along the (Mexican) border.
Medina did well in North Texas, especially outside Dallas County; and west of Houston. East Texas and the Panhandle were particularly week. Not too much to read into in Medina's county wins - they're small counties and some might just be flukes, like Medina's 11-3-2 win in Zavala County (a heavily Hispanic county that went VERY strongly for Obama).
Lastly, we have Perry's map. Perry did extremely well in Metro Houston, East Texas, and along the border; in contrast to slightly weaker performances in the Metroplex and again around San Angelo. The darkest blue is where Perry received 50%+, keeping him from the runoff.
Here's an alternative visualization of this (where Blue indicates a Perry performance of 50%+; red indicating less than 50%).
You can see that Perry fell short of 50%, but only barely, in the Metroplex, slightly more so west of Houston (Ron Paul territory, incidentally), and very much so in KBH's strongholds around San Angelo. This was offset, with Perry gaining votes on 50% in every county along the Gulf Coast.
Of course, the number of votes differs greatly by county. Not counting the numerous counties in which no votes were recorded, the vote counts ranged from a measly 3 votes in Upton County to almost 158,000 in Harris County (Houston). So here's a map based on Perry's relation to the 50% runoff line, in terms of raw votes (the key's in the top left).
Perry was 16,166 votes ahead of 50%, and he built them up a great deal in metro Houston. Perry went +17,168 in Harris County, and tacked on another +5,935 in Montgomery immediately to the north and another +2,626 in Fort Bend. Other good points were: +1,654 in Nueces (Corpus Christi) and +1,452 in Bexar (San Antonio).
Where Perry's weakness hurt him the most was clearly in the Metroplex. Perry lost -3,097 in Dallas County, -2,633 in Tarrant next door, and -1,172 in Denton up top. Rounding out the bottom 5 are Travis (Austin) at - 1,357 and a surprisingly strong Medina county, Wharton County, - 1,309.
So where does this leave us moving forward? It seems there seems to be a relative coolness towards Perry in the vote-rich Metroplex, something Bill White could capitalize on in his attempt to take back the statehouse. It's also helpful that White's natural base in Houston will offset some of Perry's apparent advantage as well.
I'll revisit the subject once the Texas Legislative Council (who are awesome at what they do) get precinct data online, but in the meantime...enjoy!