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Supreme Court Lets Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act Stand

by: DavidNYC

Mon Jun 22, 2009 at 1:38 PM EDT


Today, in a very unexpected ruling, the Supreme Court upheld Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, which requires certain covered jurisdictions to seek "preclearance" from the Department of Justice before making any rule changes that affect voting. Adam Bonin explains:

[M]any conservatives have believed that the rigors of Section 5 preclearance exceeded Congress' 15th Amendment authorization, given how much time has passed since the days of Bull Connor, and they thought they had their ideal plaintiff in Northwest Austin Municipal Utility District Number One ("NAMUDNO"), created in 1987 to provide waste collection and other public works services to about 3,500 residents.  Before 2004, elections for its board were held in private homes or garages; they wanted to move the elections to public places like elementary schools.  Because they're in Texas, Section 5 applied, even though there was no evidence that NAMUDNO itself had ever discriminated on the basis of race.

And many liberals feared, especially after oral argument (PDF), that this Court's 5-4 conservative majority would use the opportunity to gut Section 5, especially given its disparate treatment of Southern jurisdictions, with the Chief Justice asking the NAACP's counsel "So is it your -- is it your position that today southerners are more likely to discriminate than northerners?" and Justice Scalia noting, "Wasn't Virginia the first State in the Union to elect a black governor?"

Today, however, the bullet was dodged, albeit on somewhat technical grounds.  In an 8-1 opinion authored by the Chief Justice, with only Justice Thomas dissenting, the Court effectively rewrote parts of the Voting Rights Act to allow NAMUDNO to apply in federal court for a permanent "bailout" from the preclearance provisions based on a documented record of behaving itself in this realm, a remedy previously allowed only for states and counties as a whole, and chose not to reach the larger constitutional question.

Leaving aside all the questions about how this ruling came about despite Roberts' apparent hostility to the VRA, or what its narrow technical nature means for future rulings on the same subject, Rick Hasen explains the political ramifications:

The key political point is that Section 5 will remain in place during the next round of redistricting, and it will be redistricting supervised by the Obama Administration's DOJ. We have already seen that the Obama Administration appears more protective of voting rights than the Bush Administration's DOJ. So this will matter a great deal for the next decade of politics in terms of minority electoral success, even if Section 5 is struck down next decade.

In other words, while Justice Roberts and his conservative brethren might dismantle Section 5 at some point, this is a very good ruling for us with the census and the start of redistricting just a year away.

DavidNYC :: Supreme Court Lets Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act Stand
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Here's what I want to know:
why did the "liberals" join Roberts's opinion, as opposed to writing a concurrence more supportive of Section 5?

I think that decision may come back to bite us before long.  


It may have been some sort of technicality
and they might have felt that they'd rather use the technicality than figure out a separate way of defending Section 5.

Or something like that.  I actualy have very little familiarity with the VRA, and I haven't read the decision opinion, and I'm definitely not a SCOTUS watcher.  So I have no idea how easy or hard it would be to defend Section 5.

Bill Posey is not half-alligator...and is outclassed by Davy Crockett anyway: http://www.washingtonmonthly.c...


[ Parent ]
It might have been part of the deal
That Roberts offered. Also, Heather Gerken at Balkinization noted:

[W]hile the opinion contains some rather dark hints about Section 5's future, those statements are countered by observations that supporters of the Act will plainly cite during the next go-round.

So this sounds like a compromise opinion, chock full of pro- and anti-Section 5 statements. (I personally have not read it yet.)


[ Parent ]
I have read it
Roberts goes through gymnastics to rewrite the statute in order to not get to the 15th amendment question.

I think there must have been a "take it or leave it" deal from Kennedy and/or Roberts, because I find it doubtful that Ginsburg, Souter, or Breyer have any serious questions about the ongoing constitutionality of preclearance.  


[ Parent ]
or Stevens, the Court's staunchest liberal
I was surprised there was no liberal concurrence...but since Roberts probably had the votes to strike down Sec. 5 outright (Kennedy was reportedly skeptical of Sec. 5's usefulness at oral arguments), this may have been the best possible outcome for now.

[ Parent ]
Yup, I think that was the deal
But noooooo, there's no politics on the Supreme Court!

[ Parent ]
This reads like a compromise
I think Roberts put a fair amount of stuff in there to satisfy the other (liberal) side and get eight justices to sign on to the compromise.  

In particular, from a legal perspective, there's a dispute between the liberals and the conservatives about what the standard of review will be when they do (in some future case) decide if Section 5 is constitutional.  The liberals argue for a standard of review that is deferential to Congress (based on a past case upholding Section 5 under Congress' Fifteenth Amendment powers) while conservatives argue that the Court should carefully examine whether the law is "congruent and proportional" to the unconstitutional conduct it aims to fix (a less deferential standard that the Court made up in the 1990s in the Fourteenth Amendment context to strike down various laws including the main part of the Violence Against Women Act).  Justice Thomas, in his lone dissent, took the conservative position.  But Roberts, in his main opinion joined by all the justices but Thomas, didn't -- he just noted the dispute and said it was a dispute that will have to be resolved in the future.  That's the kind of thing you do if you are trying to avoid a concurrence.

Anyway, from our perspective here, the main thing is that it will take too long for the next case to make it up to the Court for Section Five to be invalidated before redistricting.

Another wrinkle is that this decision made it possible for more (and smaller) jurisdictions to "bail out" of Section 5 coverage.  So we may see some of that.  But it won't affect state-level redistricting.


Bailing out is probably good
It makes the optics of section 5 that much more defensible. If jurisdictions that can prove they don't discriminate can remove themselves from section 5 cover, it will deny conservatives a lot of their bluster.

[ Parent ]
That's my thinking, too
Bailout's been available for a long time, and I never quite understood why more jurisdictions don't take advantage of it. Now that it's been expanded to allow smaller jurisdictions to make use of it, it's time for them to put up or shut up. But either way, I think we win on the optics here - if more places don't try to bail out, then that says they don't mind (or even think they still need!) preclearance. If they do bail out, then we can say the system works.

[ Parent ]
they don't bail out becuase they don't want to
There are a lot of conflicting explanations for why only a few jurisdictions have bailed out so far.  But I think the most compelling is that they don't want to.  If you're an official in charge of a jurisdiction covered by Section Five, then right now, you submit your changes, they're almost always precleared (DOJ objections are rare), and then if anybody gets mad later and says what you did was discriminatory, you can loudly point out that the DOJ's on your side (i.e. didn't see anything discriminatory about the change).  

Bail out, and all of a sudden you lose that imprimatur of the DOJ.  If people think you did something discriminatory, and sue you, you have to spend way more time and money on defending the lawsuit than you ever had to spend filing a bit of paperwork with the DOJ.  So I think that's why they don't bother to bail out: if Section Five preclearance helps avoid lawsuits, then it actually SAVES money to be covered by Section Five.  Plus it helps you undermine any charges of racism that might be thrown your way.


[ Parent ]
Very interesting
So then, hopefully, in a few years' time, we'll be able to say, "Look, you expanded bailouts to all kinds of jurisdictions, but almost no one took you up on it. The system works."

[ Parent ]

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